for The Western
Ok, had joked. Il Corriere della Sera today entrusts his editorial Ostellino Piero, who tells us what the front page, alone and thoughtful, dignified in contrast, wrote for years in desert camps of page views: that the bipolarity is in Italy, often lack the ideas, the more often the courage, but in short, democracy is what it is and count the numbers: "The success of the center and the defeat of the center restore the principle of alternation who also chairs a bipolar system like ours." And who ever wanted to play the interview with the Corriere D'Alema or speech Confindustria di Montezemolo as the result of a political plan, "the media"? Not at all, have fun Ostellino, "gave them power and drawings of a political nature which could not grow, much less demonstrate, even if they wanted, without ridicule." But who heads the Courier, Talleyrand? Well, I do not know, but this is a great way to fall to his feet. Compliments.
Courier on the wall ... and longings of my Courier. It 's the story of the largest Italian newspaper. Scaled by a mysterious side to seize the head, from P2 (a hit) the wide boys of the neighborhood ('na catastrophe). Italian anomaly, which is coupled with the current property the Courier, divided into lots among the major economic powers. Across the newspaper that tries to influence the course of politics. And this is normal, no? Not really. In countries where the press is an independent power, so the papers down on the field, especially at election time, in support of a party or a political program. But the Courier goes further: not merely to promote an actor at the expense of others, aspires to the role of director, to promote those players who are merely appearances, he invents otherwise evanescent textures policies. It is not a mirror but a projector. Like the Republic, perhaps? No, far from it. The Republic is a distorting mirror that makes monstrous opponents and beautiful and good friends, but his choice of field is explicit. E 'foul a player, but wearing the colors of a team. The Courier instead aspires to independence, claims in the text as immortal, in fact, the "Declaration of Independence" signed between the owners and the editorial staff in 1973 and reconfirmed always (even in the era of P2), makes this the sign of their difference. And when he decides to take the field wearing the team colors of the Anglo-Saxon. See the editorial by Paolo Mieli, which announced its support of the newspaper to list the Union before the last election: the director wanted to clarify that his decision did not in any way influenced the freedom to express different opinions in the comments, in funds and in the Courier editorial. Setting that aroused the protest of the drafting committee, which judged it "suggestive" (translation still in progress, ed): "It 's rather clearly established tradition of all the major media outlets of the major Western democracies, from Le Monde The New York Times The Washington Post, that the line is expressed by the Director and is pursued with consistency and continuity in the editorial, subject to the maximum aperture of opinions and responses. First case of an organ in the world trade union newspaper, which alleges that the Director of leaving too much freedom of expression. In
Actually the Courier had already made that choice, with no big claims, in 1996 (director Paolo Mieli always) and had previously contributed to the fall of the first Berlusconi government becoming the bearer (that is, in journalistic language, creating a brilliant scoop) of a communication judicial bribes to the Guardia di Finanza, Milan prosecutors issued by November 21, 1994 (incidentally, at the end of Berlusconi will be acquitted) in the middle of the international conference on organized crime in Naples, Berlusconi presided. Director Paolo Mieli even then.
seared by the Courier earlier this time has tried to support Prodi after the elections. First, he invented the excellent but unrealistic agenda Giavazzi, giving daily voice reformist wing of the DS and the heterogeneous group of "willing", and has encouraged the emigration of UDC Marco Follini, then pumped to capacity the alternate (Berlusconi) Casini. Until the elections of the Deputy Director post comment Fiji Baptist who gives back to the line: enough with the left that the left is doing, all gathered around Padoa Schioppa, just a true leader for the Democratic Party. And so now they know
via Solferino that this is not enough. In fact, the Courier has been engaged for a while 'the construction of the Third Republic. Some might see some similarities with the story of the great puppeteer who took over the Courier in the late seventies and made it a powerful tool of political influence. Of course, even then the Courier tried to weave the story in first person politics. But the analogy ends here. The "Plan for Democratic Rebirth" Licio Gelli was only a facade to achieve coverage of business far more sinister and mediocre in the field of business and power. In fact, the P2 was careful not to call into question the political balance of the time: fervently supported the historic compromise of Berlinguer and Aldo Moro, the line of firmness against the PCI and DC Br, fodder unlimited debts Dc, PCI and PSI and their party newspapers, branched in any environment providing power to those who had it and promise to those who aspired.
Today the design is quite different. The proper comparison is with the first direction Mieli. Then, in 1994, Honey had invested a lot of sull'ingenuità Occhetto and now has a subject, the ruthlessness of D'Alema. At the time of the collapse of the First Republic had taken to the magistrates drone "Clean Hands", and now is committed to do it yourself, coalesce around a nice book signatures of two prestigious Courier (Rizzo and Stella) the forces that intend to demolish the caste. Monti, Montezemolo and Montesquieu (the limits to political power) are the three em around which is currently developing the project that quarta tenacemente persegue: la bella politica, immune dai vizi dellla corruzione, dello spreco e dell’arricchimento personale. Come dargli torto? Ma ora come allora l’idea di fondo è la stessa, ed è sbagliata: arrivare a un bipolarismo di stampo europeo, (e quindi) senza Berlusconi. La storia politica della seconda repubblica si è retta però intorno all’assioma contrario: o Berlusconi o niente bipolarismo. Vista la qualità dei progetti in circolazione e la caratura dei potenziali leader è facile prevedere del resto che ancora a lungo Berlusconi potrà dire tranquillamente: “le bipolarisme, c’est moi”. E così ancora una volta il Corriere fallirà nel suo tentativo di supplenza. E magari, chi lo sa, si renderà conto che vestire di panni anglosassoni i consueti intrecci fra stampa, denaro e potere, e dar vita artificiale alle proprie chimere politiche, non è il modo più saggio per rovesciare il sistema delle caste.
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